Last week I was lucky enough to attend the annual conference of the British Society for the History of Science (BSHS). Aside from the overall bubbliness and smooth organisation of the conference, the highlights for me were the opening session on recycling in early modern chymistry, Richard Serjeantson's talk on seventeenth-century student notebooks, and the spinach-and-mozarella pastry that was served up for lunch on day one. I was also impressed by the well-attended closing session with the curious title "Should the history of science have relevance?" Rebekah Higgitt, one of the four panellists in this session, said that someone should blog about it. Hence this post, which reconstructs the discussion with the help of other people's tweets and my hasty notes. Feel free to use the comments section of this post to complete or clarify what I have written. At the end of the post I offer three comments of my own: facts matter, there's a place for the deficit model in the humanities, and we should take reflexivity seriously.
But first, why blog about this session? Out of all the stimulating talks at the conference, why single this one out for special attention? The obvious answer is that the session was about engaging with the public, so it makes sense to engage the public in this session, or at least make it available to the public. Another reason is that public engagement is a topic that concerns every historian of science, in a way a seventeenth-century notebook does not. But the main reason is that this kind of session, more so than the standard academic talk, is only as good as the number of people who know about it. The aim of these events is to get people talking about some of the challenges facing the profession. The more people talk about them, the better.
Noble intentions are one thing; turning up on time is quite another. I have to confess that I missed the first half-hour of this session, so I did not hear the short presentations that each panellist gave before the general discussion began. However thanks to twitter (and in particular to Rebekah Higgitt, Dominic Berry, and Angela Cassidy) I can relay four key messages from the first part of the session:
How much, who, how, and at what cost? No-one was seriously arguing that historians of science should never aim for relevance. Rather, the question was how often they should aim for relevance in their research and research proposals, who should aim for relevance, how this aim might be achieved, and whether relevance can be reconciled with the other pressures of academic life such as the need to produce sound scholarship.
Usefulness not relevance. Usefulness is a better term than relevance to describe our aims when we engage with people outside academia. Why is it better? The answer, I gather, is that "relevance" implies topicality, ie. it suggests that our case studies should bear a superficial resemblance to events that are currently in the news. One risk of this approach is that by focusing on the big stories of the day we will ignore the more important but less visible stories (as one participant put it, we should always ask "relevant to what?"). Another risk is that we will ignore lessons that flow from the strangeness of the past rather than from the resemblance between the past and the present. Finally, it is not enough to juxtapose past episodes with analogous present-day events; to make a real difference we need to draw concrete lessons from past episodes. In short, we can be useful without being topical and topical without being useful.
We have failed. Historians of science as a community have failed to get the attention of some important audiences. We have done good work, but we could do much better. In particular, we could do more to interact with social scientists and other historians as well as with scientists.
Less deficit-model and more engagement. Our failures may be due in part to our condescending view of our audiences. We are guilty of the "deficit-model" that we so often attribute to scientists and naïve science communicators. What is the deficit model? This is where I need help from someone who was actually present, because there are different versions of the deficit model that have different implications for our attempts at outreach. The implication might be that we have no special expertise in the history of science; or it might be that we do have special expertise, but that it takes the form of special skills or methods rather than factual knowledge; or it might be that we do have special expertise but that we should try to learn from non-historians rather than teaching them.
This brings us to the half-hour mark, which is when I discreetly entered the room. What follows is my attempt to arrange the free-flowing conversation that I witnessed into a series of discreet chunks. I've arranged the chunks roughly in the order in which they were discussed.
Gender. The gender balance in the profession is much better than it was fifty years ago. (At this point one of the panellists joked that he was pleased to be the "token male" on the panel). Still, the balance is not perfect, and some sub-fields in the history of science are still dominated by men (the speaker did not name the sub-fields).
Ethnic minorities. The situation is quite different for ethnic minorities, who are still badly under-represented in the history of science as in other areas of the humanities. One possible link between under-representation and usefulness is that minority groups decline study in the humanities because they feel that humanities degrees are relatively useless given their high price-tag. Hence one way to solve our under-representation problem is to show that humanities degrees are more useful than they may appear at first sight.
Independent scholars. Speaking of marginalised groups, spare a thought for people who are historians by avocation but not by vocation. Much high-quality research in our field is done by people who are not employed as academics in universities. These people are sometimes slighted, and this is unwise given the scarcity of tenure-track jobs and the increasing number of people who move freely between academic and non-academic jobs in the course of their careers.
Attitudes to outreach. In some university departments there is still an alarming lack of recognition of the value of activities such as policy work, museum work, and blogging. Academics should not only respect these activities but also make room for them. Outreach should not be something that academics do on top of the normal load of teaching, research and administrative work. It should either be integrated with these core activities or seen as a (partial) substitute for them.
Junior scholars. Senior scholars sometimes have a tendency to delegate public engagement to PhDs and early career colleagues. There is a danger of creating an unhealthy division of labour whereby young scholars do the hard work of outreach while their supervisors get on with their own research. [Disclaimer: I have not observed this tendency in my own academic circle, though I can't speak for other circles.] Nor should the outreach activities of senior scholars be separate from those of junior scholars. Instead we should strive for "intergenerational collaboration."
Translation. This buzzword refers to the process of converting academic research into something that the general public can understand and appreciate. Translation is all very well, but can we expect academics to be experts in translation--twitter and museum exhibits and all that jazz--as well as being experts in the traditional tools of scholarship? Wouldn't it be nice if we could delegate the former tasks to a dedicated team of translators? The answer from the panel was that it depends on the end product of the translation. Not every academic has the know-how to set up a museum exhibit, but every academic should be able to summarise their latest research in a readable blog post.
Capacity building. In policy circles there is much talk about building the scientific capacity of developing nations. One of the panellists recalled a recent conference at which various criticisms were levelled at the concept of capacity building, but where the African participants seemed quite keen on the idea. This concerns historians because many university administrators in developing nations see the history of science as an ally in their efforts to raise the profile of science in their communities. Hence the demand for historians of medicine in these universities, a demand that may extend to historians of science and technology in the future.
Methods but not facts or disciplines. Our gift to the public should not be facts about past science but a set of methods for studying past science, or perhaps a perspective from which to view past science. But we should not be too precious about defining our discipline, since we are inherently interdisciplinary, with contributions from philosophers and sociologists and scientists as well as pure-blood historians.
Usefulness need not be public. There are many ways of being useful, and not all of them are public-facing in the manner of blogs, museum exhibits and newspaper articles. For example, we can make ourselves useful by talking to policy-makers and scientists on a one-to-one basis.
Ethics not impact. The British government measures the usefulness of British academics in terms of the "impact" of their research. Lots of British academics object to this criterion and to the way it is currently measured. But our dissatisfaction with the impact agenda should not become an excuse for retreating into the ivory tower and drawing the blinds. On the contrary, we should think deeply about why we do research in the humanities and what we can contribute to society at large. We may shrink from the impact agenda, but we cannot shirk the ethics of research.
***
In the interests of continuing the discussion, here are three comments inspired by the conversation that I have just summarised:
Facts matter. I was surprised that some participants insisted on the importance of conveying methods or perspectives to the public rather than conveying facts. Haven't we been diligent, not to say militant, in correcting the factual errors made by scientists who write about past science? And aren't our perspectives (such as our emphasis on political context) based on our hard-won knowledge of the facts of key episodes (there are too many episodes to name)? Finally, aren't we obliged to refer to facts about particular fields or disciplines (such as climate science or evolutionary psychology) if we want our messages to be specific and concrete rather than vague and evangelistic?
There's a place for the deficit model in the humanities. I realise that there are problems with the deficit model, but we should not be too diffident when it comes to instructing non-historians about past science. As a rule, those of us who have studied past science in detail are in a better position to speak about it than those who have studied it superficially or not at all. The same is true for scientists, but there is an important difference between the sciences and the humanities, namely that scientists use their expertise to make useful gadgets. This means that if scientists always engaged with the public and never instructed them, their expertise would not go to waste. The same cannot be said for historians. If we do not use our expertise to teach people about the past, our expertise is not much use at all.
We should take reflexivity seriously. There were a couple of references to "reflexivity" in the tweets about the BSHS session on relevance. Here's my definition of this protean term: to be reflexive is to insist on consistency between our own condition as historians and the conditions we observe in past science. For example, it would be non-reflexive to say that there is a historical method but no scientific method. Yet this is what historians of science, as a group, seem to be saying: we no longer believe in the scientific method, yet we like to claim that we have a distinctive and powerful method for studying past science. If we take reflexivity seriously, we should either abandon one of these claims or explain why there is room for method in history but not in physics or chemistry. Two other examples come to mind. If we complain about the public misunderstanding of history, as many of us do, we should admit that there is such a thing as the public misunderstanding of science. And if we defend scholarship on the grounds that it is useful in the long run, we should tolerate scientists who use the same argument in favour of basic research.
That's all for now. As I mentioned in the introduction, feel free to use the comments of this post (or your own blog, if you have one) to improve on my summary of this relevant and useful BSHS session.
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Many thanks for putting this up, and for covering so much (despite being out of the room for the first half hour!). On the point about reflexivity and method, I would have thought that most historians of science would claim that that there are many methods in science, rather than THE Scientific Method or no method at all. Equally, there are many historical methods. In both cases I think people would be comfortable to agree that some methods work better for some questions than others.
ReplyDeleteI think the understanding of deficit model is in the sense of attempting to improve society and/or increase public trust and acceptance of specialists simply by increasing their factual knowledge of science or history - usually in a one-way, top-down fashion.
Thanks for the comment, and for your contribution to the panel on Sunday, though regretfully I missed your presentation at the beginning.
DeleteI agree that historians of science often recognise the existence of multiple methods in science, rather than rejecting the notion of method altogether. But usually what they mean, I think, is that there is no set of methods that most scientists have in common. Yet there are several historians of science who have given lists of methods or maxims that are supposed to hold for most (good) historians of science. Plus there are some maxims in the history of science that are given special attention: for example, the symmetry principle seems to play roughly the same role for historians of science as the testability principle (theories must have testable consequences) plays for scientists.
Thanks for your description of the deficit model. So the suggestion is that historians should focus more on communicating their methods and perspectives rather than factual knowledge, and that they should do so in a two-way fashion? That sounds reasonable to me, with the caveats that I mentioned at the end of my post, ie. factual knowledge matters too, and we should not be shy about giving non-specialists the benefit of our expertise.
I think many historians of science would be happy to agree that particular fields of science (at least in particular times and places) do have methods in common.
DeleteGiving people the "benefit of our expertise" is something that has to be carefully managed, with full attention to context and audience.
Thanks for this, Michael. I followed the conference's Twitter hashtag with interest and am glad for a more in-depth look at this session. Although I am primarily a philosopher of science, my home is in an HPS department, so I hope it's okay for me to join in the conversation.
ReplyDeleteI'm a little troubled by the characterisation of members of ethnic minorities as "shunning the humanities." It would probably be more accurate, and certainly more useful, to say that underrepresented groups have been shunned by the humanities. We need to move beyond placing the blame for underrepresentation on members of underrepresented groups: doing so allows us to ignore real issues of implicit and explicit bias.
It is possible that members of marginalised groups are indeed more likely to notice, for example, the fact that there are many more PhDs completed than academic jobs available. In addition, members of groups that are historically and currently marginalised - for, amongst other reasons, race, gender, class or disability - may be more likely to notice when a discipline continues to marginalise them. They may notice that they are less likely to get those jobs that do exist, or that if they do, they might well be the only representative of their group within their field, or their department. They may reasonably decide, if a discipline appears to care little about their viewpoint, that their talents might be more usefully spent elsewhere.
This leads me to suggest another link between underrepresentation and usefulness. Structural inequalities may indeed mean that members of marginalised groups are less likely, on average, to have the resources to indulge an interest as far as graduate level with little chance of employment in the field. However, we must avoid inferring from this that members of marginalised groups are in general more likely to evaluate usefulness on a personal, individual basis. An alternative hypothesis is that the experiences and of members of marginalised groups render them rather more likely to care about the broader usefulness of their intellectual labour: its usefulness to people, to society, to humanity.
Marginalised groups are not having conversations about whether or not their work should be relevant. They are making their work relevant, and they are having conversations about how to do so better. Members of marginalised groups wrote the books on this - literally. We should start taking them seriously.
The way that this topic was raised in the room was much more as you have suggested than what Michael has written (possibly due to compression of Twitter). One of the points made by Fern Elsdon-Baker was that demonstrating our usefulness and relevance more, and paying attention to a range of applicable and employable skills that can be used beyond the PhD and beyond academia might be a way of both sharing our field more widely and making it more relevant and appealing to people from a wider range of backgrounds.
DeleteHi Vashka! Your comment is very welcome, as are all comments from philosophers (and anyone else) on this blog. In fact there is probably more philosophy content on this blog than history content (if philosophy of history counts as philosophy).
DeleteI agree with everything you say about the importance of taking marginalised groups seriously in the history of science, the injustice of blaming them for their marginalisation, and the likelihood that such groups have other reasons for declining careers in the humanities aside from the reason that was given at the BSHS session, ie. that they may be less able to bear the financial risks associated with graduate training in the humanities.
However I would like to add that none of these points were questioned at the session. As Rebekah wrote in her comment, the topic of minority groups arose precisely because a panellist felt that historians of science were not doing enough to cater for audiences from minority groups. I was not in the room when this segue occurred. When I was in the room, no-one implied that minority groups should do more to cultivate an interest in the humanities, or that the difficulty of finding a job in the humanities was the only reason for the under-representation of minority groups in our field.
I expect I conveyed a false impression of the discussion with the infelicitous phrase "shunning the humanities." No-one used this phrase in the discussion. Perhaps this phrase reflects an unconscious bias on my part. If so, thanks for pointing this out! I have replaced this phrase in the above post with a more neutral phrase.
You might be interested to know that the issue of under-representation came up in another panel session at the conference. This time the panellists were the editors of four major English-language journals in the field, and there was a discussion of how these journals could be made more accessible to potential authors whose mother tongue is not English. For example, it was suggested that journal editors could give more copy-editing help to these authors, and that editors could use more reviewers from non-English-speaking countries.
I wonder if a connection between the two discussions here is that a deficit model is as inappropriate when considering how to rectify underrepresentation in our discipline as it is when inflicting our expertise on an uninterested public. In each case, a one-way, top-down approach is likely to be misguided and patronising.
ReplyDeleteI agree that there is a risk of condescension in both cases, and that there is a lot to be said for engaging seriously with one's audiences. However it seems to me that the two cases are relevantly different. Historians of science do not have any special knowledge of under-represented groups, but they do have special knowledge of past science. When historians of science try to rectify under-representation, they have no special training in the topic at hand. But when it comes to describing or explaining past science, there is a real sense in which the historian of science is in a better epistemic position than the non-historian of science.
DeleteOf course this claim needs to be hedged around with caveats: most PhDs in history of science are not experts on all past science; many people without PhDs in history of science are extremely knowledgeable and passionate about past science, which is to say that one does not need a PhD to be a "historian of science" in the relevant sense; etc. Despite these caveats, I think the claim stands.
I agree that there is a risk of condescension in both cases, and that there is a lot to be said for engaging seriously with one's audiences. However it seems to me that the two cases are relevantly different. Historians of science do not have any special knowledge of under-represented groups, but they do have special knowledge of past science. When historians of science try to rectify under-representation, they have no special training in the topic at hand. But when it comes to describing or explaining past science, there is a real sense in which the historian of science is in a better epistemic position than the non-historian of science.
DeleteOf course this claim needs to be hedged around with caveats: most PhDs in history of science are not experts on all past science; many people without PhDs in history of science are extremely knowledgeable and passionate about past science, which is to say that one does not need a PhD to be a "historian of science" in the relevant sense; etc. Despite these caveats, I think the claim stands.
l'm thinking of the deficit model like this: the tendency of 'experts' to think that if only we could just impress the proper *facts* upon our audience, we'd also gain that audience's *trust* and *appreciation* of our subject. While not a complete fantasy, this is a cop-out. Prioritising this top-down approach allows us to avoid the self-criticism that would result from also considering other reasons for a lack of trust or enthusiasm.
DeleteWith regard to rectifying underrepresentation, the equivalent mistake is to think that if only members of underrepresented groups *knew what we were really about*, they would trust and join us. Given limited resources, a focus on conveying knowledge of our subjects and institutions to those currently excluded is likely to be at the expense of a critical examination of what we do in order to uncover other reasons for underrepresentation.
"The public". "Historians of science". "Scientists".
ReplyDeleteMust be like physics, where all 6kg point-masses are interchangeable...
Seriously, did the discussion in the room deal in these broad generalities, or is that an artifact of compressing the discussion into a brief post?
--A member of "the public".
It's an artifact of trying to compress and summarise - the key point was that there are many actual or potential audiences and engagement means listening and not presuming. Likewise, there was discussion of many histories, meaningful for different individuals and groups (family history, disciplinary histories, local histories, national or religious histories etc). Within history of science we talked about diversity among students, early career researchers, people who allied to science/history/social science and many different national and international contexts etc etc. Difficult to do justice to everything that was mentioned!
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ReplyDelete